A Book of the Graemes

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Title Page
Preface (v)
Sketch of Graeme Decent Through the Noble House of Montrose (xvii)
Images to Sketch of Grame Decent
Sketch I Patrick Graeme, 1st Great Baron of Inchbrakie and Aberruthven (1)
Sketch II The Younger Children and Widow of Patrick, the First Great Baron of Inchbrakie (6)
Sketch III Robert Graeme, Archdeacon of Ross, Younger Son of the First Great Baron (10)
Sketch IV George Graeme, 2nd Baron of Inchbrakie (19)
Sketch V Widow and Children of George Graeme (27)
Sketch VI George Graeme, Bishop of Orkney, Retland and Dunblane (35)
Images to Sketch VI
Sketch VII Patrick Graeme, Third Baron of Inchbrakie (66)
Sketch VIII Widow and Younger Children of Patrick Graeme (90)
Images to Sketch VIII
Sketch IX George Graeme, Fourth Baron of Inchbrakie (104)
Images to Sketch IX
Sketch X The Younger Children of George and Marget Keith, his Wife (118)
Sketch XI Patrick V of Inchbrakie 'Black Pate' (134)
Images to Sketch XI
Sketch XII Col Patrick Graeme of the Town Guard and his Family (186)
Images to Sketch XII
Sketch XIII John Graeme, Postmaster General (216)
Sketch XIV James Graeme, Solicitor General (223)
Sketch XV Daughters of Black Pate (230)
Images to Sketch XV
Sketch XVI George Graeme, 6th Baron of Inchbrakie (248)
Sketch XVII Younger Son & Daughters of George Graeme (259)
Sketch XVIII Patrick Graeme, 7th Baron of Inchbrakie (262)
Images to Sketch XVIII
Sketch XIX George Graeme, 8th in-line, son of Patrick (276)
Sketch XX Patrick Graeme, 8th Baron of Inchbrakie (284)
Images to Sketch XX
Sketch XXI Younger Sons and Daughters of the 8th Baron (317)
Images to Sketch XXI
Sketch XXII George Graeme, 9th Baron of Inchbrakie (340)
Sketch XXIII Patrick and Younger Sons and Daughter of George Graeme, 9th of Inchbrakie (360)
Images to Sketch XXIII
Sketch XXIV George Drummond Graeme 10th of Inchbrakie and Patrick Graeme 11th (395)
Images to Sketch XXIV
Sketch XXV The Witch's Relic (406)
Images to Sketch XXV
Sketch XXVI Graemes of Monzie, Pitcairns & Buchlyvie (413)
Sketch XXVII The Graemes of Orchill (432)
Images to Sketch XXVII
Sketch XXVIII The Graemes of Gorthie and Braco (454)
Images to Sketch XXVIII
Sketch XXIX The Graemes of Graemeshall in Orkney (497)
Sketch XXX The House of Graham and Watt of Breckness and Orkney (513)
Sketch XXXI Kathrine Graeme, Daughter of George, Bishop of Dunblane (524)
Sketch XXXII Graemes of Drynie (540)
Images to Sketch XXXII
Sketch XXXIII Graeme of Damside and Graeme of Duchray (547)
Sketch XXXIV The Graemes of Garvock (557)
Sketch XXXV The Graemes of Balgowan (572)
Images to Sketch XXXV
Sketch XXXVI Grames, Greymes, Grahams of Callendar; Aberuthven, Kernock, Kinross Cossington (592)
Sketch XXXVII Grahams of Airth & Graham-Stirling of Strowan (604)
Sketch XXXVIII The Graemes of Fintry, Claverhouse, Duntrune and other Cadets (616)
Images to Sketch XXXVIII
Appendix I
Appendix II
Appendix III
Appendix IV
Appendix V
Appendix VI
Index A
Index B
Index C
Index D, E & F
Index G
Index H
Index I, J, K & L
Index M & N
Index O, P, Q & R
Index S
Index T, U, V, W & Y

Sketch XI

PATRICK V

GREAT BARON OF INCHBRAKIE AND ABERUTHVEN

"THE BLACK PATE OF THE

GREAT TROUBLES"

1658-1687

 

In this sketch is recorded what was known of the life of the fifth Laird of Inchbrakie.

"The Bosom Friend of the Great Marquis," and

"The Illustrious Black Pate the Royalist"

"The Celebrated Royalist"

are a few of the terms historians use when relating the part he took in the Great Troubles. He threw all the strength and force of character which appears to have especially belonged to the "Patricks" of Inchbrakie into the royal cause, and was a close councilor, friend and cousin of the Great Marquis, who gave him command of the Atholl men, or Highland clans. These took part in nearly all Montrose’s victories, when Montrose’s loyalty opened his eyes to the Covenanter’s hatred of his beloved King, to their greed and arrogant desire that they, and they alone, should be the real rulers of the people. He determined to follow their path no longer, but to stop where loyalty ceased to influence their cause. Montrose turned to Patrick Graeme, and it will be seen that from that time the Great Chief and his kinsman endured victories, reverses and hardships side by side. We can see and feel Patrick’s inexpressible grief when he stood as near to the Great Marquis in his last hour as the jailors permitted. We can share in his melancholy triumph, as carrying his Order of the Garter, he followed close to the honoured remains of his Chief and beloved friend, and saw the relics so sacred to the hearts of his kinsmen, laid in their last resting-place in St Giles Cathedral with all the pomp of royalty. Relics sacred to them because of the clear head, the wise counselling brain, the noble mind, the brave, loyal and tender heart which had led them all his life, until that heart broke when he heard of his beloved King’s martyrdom and death!

Patrick’s loyalty infected those about him; with him it was a belief, and overmastering reality, part of his life and the lives of those around him; he lost lands and houses, three of his four sons were Royalists suffering more or less; his cousins died for the cause; his nephews went under fire as lads; his daughter and grand-daughter and their husbands the Nairnes, were imprisoned for years in the Tower; his father-in-law suffered confiscation and loss of title, and every persecution of the day ; but this was only part of the whole to bind him yet closer to the King’s service, and to lay all he possessed in the hands of the Royal Stuarts. After all in 1687, when the end of his life came, he had his reward; though he could not with all his loyalty and service save the heads of King Charles the First or of Montrose, though Charles the Second forgot his promises made under his royal hand both to Patrick and through Montrose, when for all his great services and vast sums of money expended, ony the new Order of a Baronetcy was offered him as remuneration; he still, I say, had his reward, for he saw the triumph of the Restoration; he saw his kinsmen released from prison; he laid the bones of his friend and companion of immortal memory to rest; and last, not least, he saw that deceit and disloyalty did not conquer, for he saw his son conduct Argyle to the Watergate, to pay the great penalty of disloyalty to crowned Kings.

"Black Pate!" How his descendants’ hearts leap at the name; synonymous for courage, truth and trust: of lithe and active build, with ruddy skin and golden hair, he had early in his manhood nearly lost his life by an explosion of gunpowder; he escaped unmaimed, but the result it left was, that particles of the powder remained under the skin; he thus gained the soubriquet of Black Pate.

About the year 1630, the Honourable Jean Drummond, daughter of John, the second Lord Madertie, became his wife; her mother was the Honourable Margaret Lesley, daughter of Lord Lindores, and her father was for many years a strong Loyalist, taking active part in the wars of that period. After Black Pate’s father left Tulliebelton, (on his succeeding to the estates of Inchbrakie and Aberuthven) Patrick and his wife, "Mrs Jean" – as a baron’s daughter was then designated – took up their residence there in 1635, and it was there Montrose rode to make his plan of campaign early in the year 1644.

Separating himself from General Leslie, Montrose chose two faithful adherents, Colonel Sibbald and Sir William Rollock, to accompany him: the accounts vary as to their mode of disguise; some say they all rode as troopers, others that Montrose himself rode disguised as the groom of Sibbald and Rollock, but all agree that he rode for four days, then resting awhile at Inchbrakie rode on to Tulliebelton. There, for at least a week, he resided, while messengers went to and from summoning the Royalists, and when the house of Tulliebelton was judged no longer safe, the Earl was lodged in a hut on the hillside. At last matters ripened; McDonald wrote the Atholl men and his Irish were ready and waiting at Badenoch; a reply was sent to rendezvous with Montrose in the Atholl district, and Black Pate and the Marquis the next day started to walk seventy miles, attired as ordinary Highland men, to the meeting-place. There is no doubt the meeting place was at Lude. Black Pate’s sister Beatrice, though now the wife of Donald Robertson, was the widowed Lady Lude, and her boy the laird of those lands, the late Captain Robertson of Lude, pointed out the spot where Montrose displayed his standard on the Truidh, three quarters of a mile behind the house, and where his father had erected a small cairn on the spot. The Strath of Atholl, Glenfender, and Glentilt could be viewed from it. A plantation, twenty years old, covered it in 1840.

The Laird of Struan was another nephew, for the boy’s father had been Margaret Graeme’s first husband, and every Robertson of Struan, Lude and Invar, were loyal to the core.

The Highland troops all clamoured to be placed under the command of Black Pate, and by July they mustered strong, and his command numbered besides the above, the McNabs, McGregors and Stuarts of Appin. Right royally they followed the demands of their leader, and they were no light ones; Graeme meant to win, and such a leader makes soldiers.

He raised, paid, and led the Highland vanguard of Montrose’s small army of 2500 men; they marched on foot, armed simply with clubs and poleaxes, their targets and claymores; only three horses it is said belonged to the force; one of these was ridden by Sir William Rollock. The men were eager for the fray, full of confidence in the arms they knew how to use, and looking with something like contempt on the Lowland "Bodachs" they were about to meet.

On August 31st, they crossed the Tay, and as they wound onward through Glenalmond, saw on the Hill of Buchantie a force of 400 men; Inchbrakie sent forward a flag of truce, and found they were led by Montrose’s kinsmen and friends, come out to oppose an expected invasion of "Irishmen"; amongst them, Lords Kilpont and Madertie, Sir John Drummond, Stewart of Ardvoirlich and others.

In reply to their inquiries as to his intentions, Montrose replied that for his actions he had "the King’s authority to quell a horrid rebellion"; that authority he meant to exercise to the full, and he conjured them to lend their hands to prop the throne; they at once joined Montrose’s standard, and thus reinforced, Montrose went forward to meet the Covenanters with 8000 infantry and 16 troops of horse, drawn up in order of battle, their steel caps, pikes, swords and muskets being the best that Holland and Flanders could produce, for well had the Estates paid to equip their regulars and militia. In three ranks deep Montrose arrayed his little army.

In the centre were his three regiments of "Irishmen" commanded by Major General Alaster MacColkeitach, the left wing was composed of Lord Kilpont’s bowmen; on the right were the Atholl men led by Black Pate; the two companies of the deadly Dtuagh, or Lochaber axe, covered the flanks; their orders were to hew down with the blade, unhorse by the hook, or stab by the pike of their trebly furnished weapon, the sixteen troops of Lord Elcho’s cavalry opposed to them.

Leading this little force with a helmet on his head, a Scottish target on his left arm, and a light pike, was Montrose. Telling his men that though weapons were few, there was abundance of stones on the moor, he roused their enthusiasm in his short address; anxious however, to avoid unnecessary bloodshed, he sent the Master of Madertie, his brother-in-law, with a flag of truce to say that as Montrose bore his commission from the King direct, a victory might be theirs by returning to their allegiance, instead of sending Madertie back, they violated all laws of warfare by sending him prisoner to Perth, and at once the Covenanting army commenced their attack under Lord Elcho.

Montrose’s skirmishers had but one charge of powder a piece, and his last orders to them were "spare your powder until you can fire right into the teeth of the enemy, with front rank kneeling, the second stooping, the third standing erect, then charge in the name of God and the King." A slight recoil on the part of the enemy altered this plan so far, that Montrose directed his whole line to advance; in front and on foot he led them, one to four, in face of an overwhelming fire of cannon and musketry, to which they were unable to reply. They followed with undomitable spirit, and so fierce was their onslaught that in a few moments the cannon and cannoneers were taken and cut down; on bore the Montrose’s little army, till a bare pike’s length parted the lines, then the musketeers fulfilled their orders; Kilpont’s archers drew their bows, and the Stewarts, McDonalds and Robertsons led by Black Patrick, with bent heads and targets up, swept through the ranks of the enemy, who rapidly retreated to Perth.

The battle of Tibbermuir on a Sunday morning, September 1st 1644, had been fought and won in five minutes!

It is said only one man was killed of Montrose’s army, but many wounded lay upon the moor; for seven miles pursuit to Perth was given, and en route, guns, colours, tents, arms, ammunition, all became the property of the King’s army; with these Montrose speedily equipped it, and advanced next day on Perth with the nine cannon taken at Tibbermuir. The bridge across the Tay had been swept away in 1621, and the river was crossed by ferry. He surrounded the city, which the majority of the Covenanters abandoned, and the following morning St Johnstone surrendered, and Montrose, anxious to conciliate the people to the King, saved it from pillage; he stayed there three days making further additions to his army.

Space forbids us Space forbids us following Montrose step by step through the Royalist campaign ; the histories of Wishart and Napier are romances in the best sense of the word ; to these are owed the main points so slightly put together here, while occasionally I have borrowed one or two bits of colour from the more thrilling "Memoirs of Montrose" by Grant. They all tell us Black Pate and his Atholl men were ever at Montrose's side in all his victories, and give us the details of victory and hardship, of
mercy and excess shown on both sides; all prove how well fitted Montrose was to be the leader of men.

The victory of Aberdeen followed in less than a fortnight after Tibbermuir, and then Montrose's small force being inadequate to meet Argyll, whose army followed on their heels (carefully avoiding encounter) Montrose began that masterly retreat which might
well be styled a wheeling movement, and a victory. Breaking up his camp and destroying his heavy baggage, he marched with speed through Mar toward the Spey; here, brought to bay by the people of Sutherland and Ross in front, with Argyll behind, he buried his artillery in a morass, and wheeling to the left entered the country of the Grants. Hearing Argyll was lagging behind to ravage the Gordon country, he marched on into Badenoch, and descended once more into Atholl's lovely woods and valleys, swept through Perthshire to the Braes of Angus, and on the 21st October found himself after a circuitous march of 300 miles through the fastnesses of Scotland, close to the point he had left after his victory of Aberdeen!

He marched his little band into the woods of Fyvie, seizing that magnificent pile of buildings, the castle of Charles Seaton, Earl of Dunfermline, with its three towers called by the names of Seaton, Preston and Meldrum, each having a carved battlement with conical turrets, tall chimneys and dormer windows.

Here Argyll advanced to surround him, and here again Montrose shows his marvellous
quality as a general. Neither defending the castle, nor meeting Argyll on open ground, he repaired to the high land above the castle and used the natural surroundings which lent themselves to breastworks for his force; here he repulsed Argyll's men, driving them down the hill as they advanced. 

Next day the enemy (believing Montrose had expended hisammunition), returned to the charge ; they were met with a rain of bullets made during the night from the pewter vessels of Fyvie Castle; this forced them to retire. Resting his men five days, Montrose again repulsed Argyll's troops on October l0th in Strathbogie, and spent the severe winter of 1644 and 1645 in Badenoch, where his forces rapidly increased.

The Atholl men were rallied in large numbers to be again led by Patrick Graeme.  Hearing of Argyll's devastation of the country and his endeavourby threat and guile to detach loyal men of Stewart and Drummond from the Crown, Montrose made a march of twenty-four Scotch miles in one night through mountains, knee deep in snow, and brought his Highlanders down on Argyll's quarters at Dunkeld, who, telling his men to shift for
themselves, retreated to Edinburgh.


From December to the end of January 1645 Montrose laid waste the strongholds of Argyll, and at Fort Augustus drew up a new Bond of Association to strengthen his followers, signed the Penult days of January 1645.


Hearing Argyll was again in arms, Montrose advanced to Inverlochy, where the enemy was quartered, and wound down on the Covenanting army in three columns from the snowy Glen Nevis, in waving tartans with glittering steel and many banners along the shores of the Lochy. Montrose drew up his force in four brigades, advancing on the Covenanters, who stood firm in their ranks, three deep, with levelled pikes, their musketeers poured their deadly fire on the advancing Highlanders, but only once,
for before they could re-load, the Royal force was on them, and a scene of wild confusion ensued; the Covenanters gave way and hopeless rout ensued. Montrose's third victory of Inverlochy was one of the most complete.


Argyll went to Edinburgh, and Lieutenant-General Baillie with soldier-like directness informed the panic-stricken Estates that Montrose could, if he wished, now march unopposed to the gates of Edinburgh.

The Parliament meeting at Edinburgh forfeited the estates of Montrose, Robert, Earl of Nithsdale, Earl of Airlie, Viscount of Aboyne, Lord Herries, Colonel Stuart, Sir W. Rollo, Sir Philip Nisbit, Sir William Hay of Dalgettie, Home of Cromestaine, Alaster M`Donald MacColkeitach, Sir Donald Ogelvie of Clova, Black Pate of Inchbrakie, his second cousins Graeme of Orchill, Donald Robertson, Tutor of Struan, and many others.


Montrose, ignoring the Act, sent his Cartel to Parliament demanding exchange of prisoners, entered Elgin, where he obtained few followers owing to the popularity of the Covenant amongst the people.


Marching by Bog of Gicht, Huntley's Castle, Montrose was obliged by the serious illness of his eldest son to halt for a few nights at this old home of the Gordons.


The death of his heir, a noble boy aged fourteen, was a bitter grief to the Earl; at the commencement of the campaign the young Lord Graeme had been left with Sir John Graeme of Braco, but after Tibbermuir he had joined his father, and had accompanied him in his arduous campaign, this caused his illness, and he died between the 4th and 9th of March, and was interred in the Kirk of St Peter at Bellie on the east bank of the Spey.


Meanwhile Baillie and Urrie lost no time. They entered Aberdeen, which Montrose had passed round (owing to an imploring deputation from the Mayor and citizens), quartering his main body at Kintore instead.

The Covenanting troops thus issued from Aberdeen unexpectedly, and falling on the Cavaliers at Kintore slew many, taking others prisoners, amongst them little Lord James Graeme, now the Marquis' son and heir, who was at school at Montrose ; he was hardly twelve years old, and was taken to Edinburgh Castle and placed in confinement.

Montrose levied 10,000 from the citizens of Aberdeen for this betrayal.


On Sunday, 17th March 1645, he marched for Dunottar Castle, lying above Stonehaven, where Black Pate's cousin the Earl Marischal resided.


We have reason to believe Patrick Graeme was the bearer of the letter which Montrose sent in advance, reminding the Earl of the loyalty and ancient character of his race. But the Countess Elizabeth Seaton, daughter of the Earl of Wintown, was a strong Covenanter; sixteen Covenanting clergy, amongst them "Row" and "Andrew Cant," had taken shelter by her invitation, in the castle.


So Montrose's messenger was permitted to stand at the gate, receiving only a verbal reply. Montrose, incensed at this insult to his cousin, burnt and destroyed the whole town, harbour and surrounding country of Stonehaven and Cowie, and then marched rapidly through the country.


Avoiding General Baillie, he marched to Dunkeld.


On 4th April Montrose sent back his heavy baggage to Brechin with the main body. He advanced on and took Dundee, which was soon blazing. At that moment he heard General Baillie was rapidly approaching; the enemy's main body was galloping down the Carse of Gowrie, its advance guard being but two miles distant.


Montrose's exertions to draw off his force were superhuman. Pipes and drums summoned the troops half intoxicated with their success in Dundee: some of the officers (who despaired of the men's obedience) in their consternation advised Montrose to retire with the cavalry, leaving M'Coll's 200 " Irish " men to their fate; others urged a meeting with Baillie.


But Montrose knew his course, and meant to take it. "Do your duty, gentlemen; leave the management to me, the event to God."


In less than half an hour all the men were under their colours, and he conducted their retreat without one tipsy man behind. Pushing straight on, despite the weariness of the previous march of twenty-five miles, he reached Southesk just as day was dawning over the Grampians three miles distant.


The enemy had been in close pursuit, and, notwithstanding Montrose's frequent change of route, had traced him to the bivouac on the Esk, where the men, wearied with their continuous march (broken only by the assault on Dundee) of sixty-five miles, were resting. So utterly were they worn out that the Cavaliers had, in order to save their men's lives, to prick them with their swords before they could be awakened to resume
their march.


Three miles further, however, placed them in safety in the rocky fastness of Glenesk, where the Estates army did not venture to follow.


Had Montrose been commanding regular troops, there is little question that history would have been differently written and his victories would have been even more continuous. As it was, he was rarely able to follow up his advantages; could he have marched on Edinburgh after Inverlochy, he would have reached it unopposed and the defeat of the Covenanters been complete. His troops, men and officers alike, gave willing service, but would not be restrained from the fatal mistake of taking leave; after every successful engagement they returned to their homes carrying with them any spoil they had obtained. His dragoons, resolute to the death, well armed and mounted, all Highland gentlemen, would not submit to the restraint of remaining continuously with the forces, and thus the labour of re-mustering and gathering his Highlanders was an added strain
on Montrose's inexhaustible energy.


We find Patrick Graeme, on the retreat from Dundee (one of his officers who never left Montrose), sent back to collect his Atholl men who were home on leave, for well Montrose's tact and prudence knew it would have been fatal to refuse it. Lord Gordon and Alaster M`Coll were sent for fresh levies, but the Macleans did not return to participate in the fourth victory of Auldearn.


Montrose, hearing that thirty Scottish gentlemen had broken from out of Carlisle with only their swords in their hands, resolved to meet and succour the little band who were pursued by Leslie; taking his small army of 550 men, he sent word to M'Coll (for vhom he had been waiting) of his destination and marched to Crieff.

Accepting hospitality for himself at Inchbrakie, his small body of men were quartered at M'Callum's Wood, two miles distant, when a messenger rode up to Inchbrakie and gave
warning that Baillie was marching from Perth with 2000 foot and 500 horse.


Montrose rode out and reconnoitred in the early dawn of an April day, then ordering his body of footmen to march for the fastnesses of Loch Earn, he himself with a few of his mounted gentlemen covered their retreat and with a brilliant effort repulsed the enemy's cavalry, throwing them into disorder, then seized the moment for himself and his troops to ride after the Royalist army.


It was on this occasion that the yew tree in the court of the Castle of Inchbrakie sheltered the Marquis, and he escaped the detection of the enemy.

The danger passed and Montrose rode away, but Inchbrakie Castle was burnt and battered down.


On April 19th, 1645, Montrose and his army moved on from their retreat by Loch Earn, marched into Menteith and met the little band of Cavaliers, consisting of Montrose's nephew, the Master of Napier, Sir George Stirling of Keir, and Sir William Hay of Dalgettie; from this period the Montrose wars ring with the name of the gallant Master of Napier.


The next move was caused by hearing that Gordon in the north was threatened enclosure between the forces of Baillie and Urrie. The former's skill as a general has never been questioned; he knew Montrose with his small army lay near to Menteith; he knew that M`Coll and his 2000 Claymores could not tear himself away from harrying the Campbells and other enemies in the west; so Baillie determined to seize on Lord Gordon, who, with his army of recruits, was at Auchendown.


Baillie counted without his host. Montrose moved rapidly from Menteith by Balquidder to Loch Tay, passing on through Atholl and Angus, where the Highlanders flocked to his standard; he climbed the Grampians, reached Skene by the end of April, where he paused for ammunition.

Lord Aboyne procured it from Aberdeen in a most daring fashion, and Montrose was also joined by Gordon on the Dee with 1200 Claymore and 200 horse.


Urrie meantime, with 3500 men, was astonished on leaving Aberdeen to learn of this junction of Gordon's with Montrose, and a panic seizing his troops on hearing Montrose was in their near vicinity, he was forced to retreat by a detour to the Castle of Inverness and crossed the Spey; Baillie coming up from Perth, burnt the Atholl district but failed to
take Blair Castle, where a garrison of Montrose's kept the Campbell prisoners taken at Inverlochy under Captain Robertson of Inver.

Meanwhile Urrie, reinforced with the best of the army of estates, overmatched Montrose, whose forces were diminishing the Atholl men hurrying back to try and save their homesteads which were being burnt by Baillie, and when Urrie moved to attack Montrose, the latter had taken up his position at Aultearn, as usual in desperate circumstances.

An accident warned Montrose, who would otherwise have been taken by surprise;
Urrie's army had marched through torrents of rain, their arms were useless, and to withdraw the saturated matches would have taken too much time, they turned to the sea and discharged their weapons, thinking the wind would carry the noise from land; but the wind had changed, and the sound warned the Royalist General.


The forces of Montrose were placed with consummate skill, and for the brilliant account of these depositions and the battle the reader must turn to worthier lines than mine. The rout of the Covenanting forces was complete; gallant deeds were done, unexampled heroism displayed, and never was more complete victory, more disastrous rout.  In the music of the Grahame clan the "Blar Aultearn" celebrates the victory of their
beloved chief at Aultearn on May 8th, 1645.


On July 2nd, Montrose won his victory at Alford, through which the Don rushes under the hill of Bennochie. It was won at a heavy loss, for there fell Lord Gordon, a brave Cavalier in his twenty-eighth year, and, unlike his jealous father, a loyal and true supporter of Montrose.


Unfortunately, says Grant, Patrick of Inchbrakie was absent, possibly left behind to gather his straggling Atholl men. It is impossible to realise at this time the misery of Scotland ; every district was laid waste by either one army or the other, women and children were homeless; the harvests on which the bread and meal depended either burnt or left ungathered; the cow, the couple of sheep, the dozen chickens which paid the
rent of the clansman and fed his family were raided by the opposing troops, and to the difficulties of the Royal army were added that of carrying with them almost an equivalent of their numbers in the homeless women and children.


The greater and smaller barons, the chiefs and lairds fared no better.  

For three years but little of the income from their large properties reached them in kind, much less in money; in fact the latter was scarcely to be obtained in Scotland. The Duke of Atholl tells us this in his interesting volume, and how Lady Tullibardine (when her husband was on the Covenanting side) writes begging her father the Lord Perth to pay her tocher "quickly."


All this time Inchbrakie's mother was bearing the brunt of the outlying force of the Covenanters, while his father lay in prison in Edinburgh. Added to all this the horror of the " English plague " was investing the land and the hearts of Scotland's people, reaping hundreds in its track and desolating any homes left intact by the war.


After Montrose's victory of Alford the clans mustered still more strongly round the banner of Montrose, and fresh strength was given the Royal army by the Marquis of Huntly, who, laying aside his jealousies, offered to join Montrose. The latter sent 2000 men under Viscount Aboyne to escort Huntly through the hostile clans, dividing him from Montrose.


Alaster M`Coll joined Montrose with a fresh levy of 1700 men of the Macdonalds and Macleans. Black Pate brought in his 500 Athollmen, and Montrose marched south with over 5000 men, flushed with their past successes, gathering fresh numbers as they passed from village to village, sung by the harper's lay as the flower of chivalry, while led by their hero Montrose.  

Coming down through Blairgowrie and Dunkeld he pitched his tents at Amulree, commanding an army still badly armed 'tis true, but composed of brave hearts, inured to hardships of every sort, and only eager to meet their foe, well assured that their great chief led them only to victory.


Hearing Baillie was on the south side of the Earn, having left 400 heavy cavalry as the guard to the Fair City of St Johnstone, Montrose marched through the plague-stricken district to the wood of Methven. Close by, the grave of two of its most recent victims lay who were buried in the secluded place called Dronach-haugh.
 
Great was the panic in the city of Perth. Montrose increased it by advancing next day to the walls with 100 cavaliers and 100 musketeers, and was enabled to take a quiet survey of it and the camp of 6000 beyond.  Naturally Baillie's dragoons filed forth to the attack, whereon Montrose ordered the heavy baggage to the hills, leaving the musketeers, etc. to cover its retreat. Feats of gallantry were executed by this little force, especially of Sir W. Rollo, Montrose's staunch friend who with Nathaniel Gordon and twelve others charged with two squadrons of 100 file each, and routed the enemy. Urrie withdrew his men and joined Baillie, who had meantime taken possession of the wood of Methven, and shot 300 of the wives and children left behind!


A great disappointment awaited Montrose when on returning to Dunkeld he found Aboyne had only brought in 200 well-armed cuirassiers and sixty dragoons mounted on cart horses, instead of the whole Clan Gordon from Huntly.


At this time John Robertson of Inver, a son of Lude, was the keeper of Blair Castle, where Montrose left his prisoners. Inver sent a company of 200 head of cattle early in August 1645 down to Montrose, who resolved to move south and cut a passage for his king, who was now struggling against overwhelming forces under Cromwell. By this time Nazeby had been lost; the Scottish Covenanters had captured Pomfret and besieged
Carlisle; Chester was blockaded, and Cromwell had an army of 22,000 men, and was it any wonder that Charles the First's pessimistic temperament saw his doom looming surely over him?


Montrose marched to Logie Almond, thus causing Baillie to break up his camp at Methven wood, for it was only at long intervals the soldiers of the Covenanting army could be prevailed to meet him. Baillie arranged his force skilfully at Kilgraston, and for three days Montrose lay over his camp at the Kirk of Dron on the Ochils unable to lure Baillie out; and seeing that an assault would prove a difficult task he wheeled to
Kinross, meaning to cross the Forth at Stirling, in spite of cannons, and march to Edinburgh. Down the vale of Devon's river meandering through the Ochils his force pressed forward. Castle Campbell' was destroyed by the Macleans, whose feud with the Campbells was bitter. Montrose and his leaders were entertained by the Earl of Mar at Alloa, the young heir joining his standard. The whole force marched for Kilsyth, the field of Montrose's sixth and last victory.


Baillie and Argyll encamped at Hollanbush, two and a half miles from Kilsyth, having followed close on Montrose's heels, revenging Castle Campbell and the sacking of Alloa by many 'equal reprisals, amongst others burning Braco, then the seat of Sir J. Grame Montrose's uncle, where the Marquis' two little sons had been sheltered in the early stages of  Montrose's campaign. At Kilsyth John Graham of Tamrawer joined his chief
bringing his followers.


Against the advice of their skilful General Baillie, the Covenanters' inexperienced military committee forced him to attack Montrose, and even chose the spot. With exultation Montrose saw the enemy coming out to the attack on August 15th, one of the hottest days of 1645.


A more confused battle never took place. Moved from point to point by Argyll and the committee, Baillie and his officers were beside themselves, while on the other hand it was difficult for Montrose to hold his Highlanders from sudden and unexpected attacks on the moving enemy.


From the King's army (gazing on the glittering lines of the Covenanters, armed cap-…-pie "back, brest and pot, steel gloves and tassetts") rose a muttering expression of their unarmed state.  Montrose's sympathy felt it, and with the ready tact which never put aside any complaint made by his veterans he met the murmur.


Flashing his rapier down the valley toward the glittering thousands, he rode along his line: " Gentlemen and comrades, you see these cowardly rascals you beat at Tippermuir, at Auldearn, at Alford, their officers could not prevail on them to appear before you now unless cased in steel; to show our contempt of them we will, if you please, fight them in
our shirts." Slipping off his coat of buff, cuirass, etc., waving his plumed beaver, he
rode in his shirt sleeves down their ranks.

Uttering a wild shout of joy the troops replied to his words and action; divesting themselves of plaid and kilt even, the Highlanders stripped to their shirts, which they tied between their legs, and to this day Kilsyth records the deeds of Montrose's "naked soldiers."

One deed of heroic gallantry followed another, and as the sun's ardour cooled the enemy was routed and pursued for eighteen miles. Baggage, ammunition, and cannon were all taken by Montrose, and the hills and hollows of the Kilsyth district bear record in
their names of the Marquis' victory.'


One of Montrose's acts show how in all his triumph he sought to atone for the excesses committed by his troops. He granted protections innumerable; no less than 338 were under his own hand.


Encamped for the remainder of the month at Kirktown on the Muir of Bothwell, Montrose sent 500 dragoons under Lieutenant-Colonel Nathaniel Gordon and the Master of Napier to obtain a subsidy and an exchange of prisoners at Edinburgh ; summoned by a drummer, the garrison at the Castle released from the "grevous and filthy goal" of Edinburgh nine or ten of the most important prisoners, though the gallant little Lord John
Grahame, the Marquis' son and heir aged thirteen refused to be exchanged lest he should "cost my father a more valuable officer." Returning by Blackness and Linlithgow the Master of Napier brought in 130 released nobles, (ladies and gentry) to Montrose's camp at Bothwell, including his aged father, Lord Merchistown, and the Mistress of Napier and his sisters.


For a brief space Montrose enjoyed with his commanders their true position; himself as the "Lieutenant of the King," and the lords and barons that of Scottish gentlemen and supporters of a noble chief. It was a little court which grew in importance as those of the highest rank in Scotland joined it and wore the royal cockade. There it was that at the
Grand Review held by Montrose of all his ranks, he delivered his short but eloquent speech, showed his new commission as " Captain General " of the King, and knighted M'Donald, his hero of the long name, Alaster MacColkeitach, Mhic Gillespie, MhicCholla, MhicAlaster, Mhic Ian Catanach Knight banneret; who thus took precedence of all Knights except the Bath.

All Scotland rang with the praises of Montrose; the cities went over to the cause, and just as he was preparing to march his army south to co-operate with the King, with the Earls of Roxburgh, Traquhair and Home, his clansmen failed him!


Tullibardine was ravaging their home ; acting under his instructions from Argyle, he raised fresh forces in the Highlands; and the clans of Atholl and Maclean, learning their dwellings were destroyed, their women and children homeless for the coming snows, hurried back to build them shelters and secure what harvest there was left to gather.


Sir Alaster M'Coll heard too of relations and clansmen pursued by Campbell of Ardkinglass and others; his Highland blood burnt for reprisal; answering Montrose's and Airlie's passionate persuadings to him to remain at this crucial moment, he replied he would be" no true Highlander if even his King's cause came before that of his own blood," and he went carrying his men with him, never to see the chief he had forsaken,
again.

Aboyne left to succour Lord Huntly, his father, the brave Sir Nathaniel Gordon and his few men were the only Gordons left to Montrose.

Thus but the ghost of his army and some faithful leaders like Black Patrick and the Master of Napier remained to Montrose ; still his indomitable spirit would acknowledge no failure; he made every effort to rouse the allegiance of those who had not yet joined the Royal Standard at this period, but Lord Home and his gentlemen of the Merse did not
respond, though loyal and true in 1633. The years of peace on the Borders had killed the martial spirit, and whereas in former times the flashing on the hill top of a watch fire would summon 20,000 troopers in an hour, the standard of the Douglas hung in idle folds or was raised only for the loyal chief himself and a few faithful followers.


In spite of all Montrose pushed south; 200 horse, all gentlemen, and 700 foot was the shadow of his army of 5000; through Galashiels, where Lord Douglas alone joined him, his few retainers deserting when they saw the scanty force, while the chiefs of the Homes and Kerrs were submitting to Leslie !


At last Montrose, after marching by Kelso and Selkirk and encamping his 1000 foot and 500 horse (his little band having been so far augmented} confessed that to join the King was impossible, and a retreat must begin next day.


For the first time in his campaign he left the positions of his outposts to others and sat down with bitter agitated feeling to write his despatches to the King with his officers of higher rank around him. 

A dense fog settled down over the land ; the grey of a September morning found Montrose at his pen; shrouded in the mist his troopers slept behind a breastwork on the bare turf, when a tipsy outpost escort galloped up declaring the enemy had slain eleven of their men; Pourie-Ogilvie at once went out, but declared no foe was visible. Well and silently had the enemy's work been done; 6000 cavalry surrounded Montrose's little band. 


Had these latter been prepared all might have been well, but sleep was on them, their trust was on their outposts, their officers quartered at Selkirk, their horses at grass. 

Traquhair, a traitor, had summoned his son and troop from danger, while Montrose waited for the news of Leslie's army promised by this faithless intelligent officer.
How can pen paint the scene or words describe the heart-break of it all! Montrose started to his feet, and seizing the first horse was in the midst of his startled troops; 150 of his gentlemen joined him and his men were rallied, but how could barely 1500 stand unprepared, surrounded and crushed between 6000 horse? The gallant O'Ryan and Lord Napier kept their front unbroken, till trampled under foot or hopelessly surrounded.


Montrose, beside himself, could not be persuaded to withdraw; 500 Claymores would have saved him, and where had they gone? 'Tis a blot that must rest on the Highlands to this day ; their desertion of the greatest man, the noblest leader, the truest, bravest friend that ever bore a loyal Scottish heart within his breast! Leading forty cavaliers they fought in a wild and desperate circle, their standard above them, until seeing all was lost the councils of Douglas and Dalziel prevailed, and Montrose was shown that the fate of so small a portion of the Royal army would not decide the cause which lay in His hands alone. 

After repeated appeals he turned his horse, and hewing their way the little company
broke unexpectedly (and fiercely pursued) through the enemy, all lost except their
standard, saved by Sir William Hay,' who, tying it crosswise over his cuirass, and riding night and day, bore it into England, and later returned it to his chief.


Fast as Montrose and his cavaliers pressed on, an officer of the enemy with two cornets outrode them. Montrose was forced to face and capture these three with their standards ; then the weary ride was resumed (Montrose being joined by many of his straggling troops) and pushed on till they reached the fastnesses of Atholl, where his bright spirit rising superior to all, he and Black Patrick raised 200 horse and 800 Claymores again ; the Gordons joined him under Lord Lewis with 2000 horse and
foot, but the Marquis of Huntly, whose jealousy could not be repressed, again drew off his men because Montrose would not consent to clearing Huntly's land of the enemy, ere he went west to try and save by his brave presence the lives dear to him of the many friends he had left behind.


His letter to John Robertson, the keeper of Blair Castle, shows how anxiously he seeks his old Lieutenant "M'Coll (Sir Alexander M`Donald).For weeks Montrose lay before Glasgow, braving Leslie's powerful cavalry and trying to save the bravest of his cavaliers, to no avail. Colonel O'Ryan, young Ogilvie, Sir Philip Nisbit, Sir Nathaniel Gordon and others with Sir William Rollock, a most faithful friend and close companion
of Montrose, were ignominiously executed on October 29th at Glasgow.


With bitter tears in his heart, and with rage in the hearts of his Highlanders, Montrose withdrew from the gates of Glasgow; his mission ended with the death of his truest friends; he knew by now of the unwriteable horrors that had been the fate of his veterans at Philiphaugh, and of their camp followers; and with the snow heavily falling, he marched back through Strathearn and wintered in the Highlands.


In November, Montrose was summoned home to Forfar, where the death of his countess took place; after the funeral Montrose returned to headquarters, where he found that his brother-in-law, the Lord Napier, had died at Fincastle, where he had been obliged to remain in consequence of severe illness.


With only one break (Alford) Black Patrick of Inchbrakie had been beside his chief, his trusted councillor and friend, regardless of the forfalture  of all his lands as " a wilful raiser of fyrres, burners of houses, corn and kirk ; a taker and holder of castles, housis, townis, forts and garrisons ; a committer of thrift, slouth, reiff, and robrie, a guilter of high treason" (this man who was fighting for King Charles the First), "for the taking of Castle Blair of Atholl, of the houses of the Laird of Weyme and Menzies, and burning of his wood ; for the taking of Perth, for the combat at Tibbermuir, for sitting down a mile of
Dundee and insolently demanding surrender, for taking a journey through Angus and despoiling it, for entering into combat on the fields next adjacent to Aberdene, for entering and keeping the same town two weeks and days, for returning through the Sheriffdom of Perth and Angus, for burning on 8th and 9th of October 1645 the hous of little Blair in Stormongh, and hous of Ardblair, for raising a ffryre in the suburb of Dundee by Bonnet Raw, for which his whole estate is confiscated to the use of
the public and the Lyon is to ryve and deleit his arms out of the Book of Arms in face of the Parliament and at the Croce of Edinburgh."  And to him (as to Montrose) is the more stringent clause added that he will not be permitted to surrender, an act of, so called, grace, accorded to many if they would avail themselves of it previous to the 15th of
September 1646.


Patrick cared not one jot; leaving his wife and children, his estates and lands to the care of his father George (who however was in prison at this time himself), and the issue in higher hands, he stuck steadily to Montrose from the hour when he accompanied his beloved friend and chief into the Atholl district on their forty-five mile walk in the autumn of 1644, until the sad day, August 3rd, 1646, which saw Montrose sail
across the German Sea.


Amongst our Inchbrakie barons we find in Black Patrick the friend that "sticketh closer than a brother," and the mantle of the brave Sir John de Grame, the companion of Sir William Wallace, had indeed fallen on the shoulders of his kinsman! How many close councils Montrose and Black Pate had held; how they would cheer and sustain each other when the news would come (that alone could make them flinch), of danger and
privation to their little ones.


And now we reach the last few months which are but the record of the closing scenes.


In March 1646 Montrose hearing that the Campbells under Ardkinglass with some Stewarts and Menzies about 1500 strong, had attacked the M'Nabs and M'Gregors for being friends of the King, he immediately despatched Black Patrick with his first cousin young John Drummond of Balloch, and 700 Atholl men to drive back the invaders who had besieged Castle Ample. Ill could Montrose spare such a call from his slender force; but he never rested until assistance, if required, was sent to a faithful clan.


Ardkinglass' men, though two to one, were as usual full of the fear that Patrick and his Atholl men invariably inspired; the Covenanter withdrew his force, and on the 13th of March placed them where the manse of Callendar now stands, securing the ford over the Teith. But Patrick Graeme had not served under a general like Montrose without knowing how to take an enemy's position; while 100 Highlanders were sent to take the ford, his main body, making a detour, crossed the river higher up at Monteith, and the Campbells were attacked front and rear and fled to Stirling; the Atholl men, who had marched ten miles in the early morning, pursued them to the Lake of Menteith where many of the Campbells were choked in the moss. The rest gained Stirling and were (after Black Pate
had left the district) granted free quarters on the lands (seized by the Covenanters) of the young Lord Napier who, it will be remembered, had lately lost his father in Montrose's camp.


Returning to Montrose, Patrick Graeme was again commissioned with Lord Napier, young Drummond of Balloch, and John M'Nab of that Ilk another cousin, to garrison Kincardine, a castle of the Graemes in Strathearn, close to Auchterarder. In these sketches of the Graemes, this castle has been frequently mentioned. A building of great importance and strength, it stood on a crest overhanging the lovely glen of Kincardine, through which the Ruthven runs, now a mountain stream, formerly a broad swift
river. The castle, 16o feet in length, had ditch and drawbridge, and a deep well of water (now choked up).

A chapel window can still be traced, and it had dungeons too, for in 1596 we find a tenant of the Earl of Montrose who had not paid his rent, complaining that Lawrence
Graham, the Earl's bailiff, had taken his plenishing, reducing Watt to beggary, and that on Watt suing him he had been bound like a common thief and thrown into the " Pitt " of Kincardine where he gets "no entertainment."


Outside its ruins still stands the yew or "Dule" tree under which the Graeme Charters were signed and justice administered, hence it was often styled the Graeme Justice tree ; beneath it may be seen to walk the lady dressed in green, foretelling that ill fortune betides the House!


So soon as this garrison took possession of the stronghold, General Middleton from Stirling brought up his cannon and battered on the castle; for fourteen nights and days Black Patrick and young Lord Napier held it till the water subsided in the well from concussion, and provisions from scarcity fell to none; then the little garrison sallied forth; Black Pate, Balloch, Napier and the latter's page John Grahame and rejoined
Montrose; MacNab cut a passage for 300 of his clan, but he himself was taken. 

The castle has never been rebuilt, and treasure is said to lie at the bottom of its well.  The farm house, erected from the ruins, contains in its wall pieces of curious carving, a cock, a dial stone, etc.


Montrose marched to Inverness, but betrayed on all hands by the "Gay Gordons" (their chief's many attempts to achieve success unaided by Montrose, of whom he was intensely jealous, had been more disastrous to his King's cause than the betrayal of it was in the end) Montrose was forced to abandon his wish to garrison Inverness.


King Charles the First's affairs had reached a stage that made his royal master determine to place Montrose out of the reach of the destruction which was inevitable. The King first wrote privately, telling Montrose to disband his forces and go to France (May 1646). Montrose replied by offering to fight to the death if his King would give consent, but
Charles was firm; he wished to save the loyal heart that had been so faithful, and he therefore issued the public order that the forces under Montrose should disband. How little the King foresaw that his Captain-General was but saved from death in the field which he had so often courted, to meet that of a martyr in the shambles!


Before he sailed, Montrose demanded a meeting with his honourable opponent, General Middleton, and refused to abandon the strife unless he alone with the Earl Crawford and John Urrie (late the Covenanting, now the Cavalier General) was allowed to bear the brunt of attainder, while his followers were restored to their estates.


Thus to the last as all along, his thoughts for his faithful clansmen never failed; with a swelling heart he gave his word of honour to Middleton that he would retire " beyond the seas," and laid down his arms, leaving his homes of Mugdock and Kincardine in blackened ruins ; leaving his boys to the mercy of Argyll who, to his honour be it said, did not abuse it, leaving his clans and kinsmen, and last, not least, his king, and the cause he had so gladly shed his blood to win, he sailed from Stonehaven in the prime of his thirty-six years on the 3rd of September 1646, a homeless exile accompanied by a small but loyal band of whom young Drummond of Balloch formed a unit. Surely the first and perhaps the worst step of his martyrdom had begun!


To return to our Baron, whose life hitherto had been but a part of his chief's, which is the cause for this brief summary of the "Great Troubles" of  Scotland.  With regard to the action of Black Pate's cousin, the Earl Marishal, it should be stated that when Montrose first came to Scotland William Keith had succeeded his father, the late Earl, who had
died in 1635, and was living at the Court of England ; but in 1640 he is with Montrose and signs the famous Cumbernauld Bond. After this he lay quiet, partly owing no doubt to his countess having strong Covenanting tastes; he gave neither men nor money to the cause, and refused to join Montrose when summoned by Black Pate to do so. We shall find, however, six years later he awoke to the truer sense of his duty.


In the Frontispiece is shown Montrose's tribute to Black Pate's service, which is still regarded by the family as one of their greatest treasures from their chief. Montrose had by his action before leaving the country saved some lands to his adherents, but the zeal of the Covenanting Church determined to do its worst; in July 1646, before Montrose left
Scotland they had placed Black Pate and his cousin David Graeme of Gorthie (with others) under sentence of excommunication; this meant not only forbidding entrance into the churches, but laying a ban on him that prevented others dealing with or assisting him in the ordinary affairs of life. He is titled a "bloody rebell" and the "assemblie being verie sensible of the highe provocatione of God for such haynous offences against him and of so great contempt of all ecclesiastical and civic authorities.

Therefore being moved with the zeale of God do discerne and ordaine the persons before designed all and evrie on of them to be simmarlie excommunicat and declared to be those whom Christ cornmandeth to be holden by all good and evrie on of the faithfull as Ethnicks and publicans."  A fast is ordered in Edinburgh to commemorate this act, and notices are sent to the various Presbyteries to inform their congregations of the same 27th August 1646.  Later on the Committee after having refused his petition to be relaxed because he does not acknowledge his sins, directs some person "to labour to bring him to a greater measure of sense of haynousness of his offences."


Patrick Graeme accedes by some sort of form, and on 5th of April 1648, they refer him to the "Provinciall of Perth," requesting them "to make triall of his lyffe and conversation and evidence of inward repentance," and desire that he "prescribe his satisfaction in sackcloth."


No record is given of this latter event either in Patrick's case or that of his cousin David of Gorthie; apparently the matter dropped.  Middleton had, early in July 1646, sent a copy to Montrose of the terms offered to his cavaliers; one of these in original is extant amongst the Inchbrakie Papers, and runs as follows:


By Major General Middleton Commander of the forces for the present expedition. By virtue of a power granted to me be the Committee of Estates, I doo hereby grant unto Patrick Graeme younger of Inchbrakie full assurance of his life and fortune to be unquestioned in virtur of them for any deed done be him in the course he hath formlie been on, or in relation thereto; provided that betwine this and the fifth day of November next he appear before the Committee of " Estates and enact himself for his good behaviour in time coming; otherwayes these favours to be void given at Dundee the 6th day of July 1646."


This order of Middleton's is signed in a very fine bold hand.


Patrick Graeme received it but takes no action in the matter until October; he must first make sure that his king's command to disband is inevitable; then his chief must be bid adieu to, his person seen safely on the seas beyond the reach of those who would have given much to have had Montrose in their power; but when this is done, when six weeks more have passed and all further hope is ended, we find the following paragraph traced on its back :


20th October 1646.-The quhilk day the above named Patrick Graeme, younger of Inchbrakie conform to this assurance appeared before the Committee of Estates and acted himself for his good behaviour under the paine of twentie thousand poundes 

this is signed by Campbell.


So in the winter of 1646 and 1647 Patrick Graeme is home again with the Honble. Jean Drummond, his wife and children; his sore heart would be comforted by their welcome presence after his long absence, and John will have many a tale to recount of his exploits as page to the Master of Napier at Kincardine's siege, tales which will bring a smile to his
father's sad eyes, as he ponders on that last act done for Montrose who is across the seas.


For a year or two Graeme endeavours to get his lands and those of his father, who is growing an old man, into order, settling the terrified tenantry and watching sadly Cromwell's slow but surely triumphant creeping to success, which, in January 1649, culminated in the martyrdom of King Charles.

An awful gloom must have been cast over the cavaliers in Scotland, and over none more than Black Pate. We know how it almost killed Montrose, and how he only rallied when shown there was a prospect of revenge. The Marquis' splendid verses are almost a vow to heaven-

Great, good, and just! could I but rate
My griefs to thy too rigid fate,
I'd weep the world to such a strain,
As it should deluge once again:
But since thy loud-tongu'd blood demands supplies,
More from Briareus' hands than Argus' eyes,
I'll sing thy obsequies with trumpet sounds,
And write thy epitaph with blood and wounds;


and he lands in Orkney determined to try and restore the young King shutting his eyes to the knowledge that Charles the Second was, whilst receiving him with open arms, and making him Lieutenant-Governor of Scotland, treating with the Covenanters and concluding the famous treaty of Breda, lest the descent on the Highland shores proved fruitless!


For a while Montrose's prospects were bright; promises of ships, provisions, cannon, presents of money, 1500 stands of arms for cavalry from the Queen of Sweden, with other promises came of men and ships, but a blow was given to Montrose by Louis XIV., who refused the Scottish troops serving in France who were 7000 strong.


His close correspondence with his friends in Scotland was all taken as his agents bearing it, landed (one of these his old companion Sibbald of 1644). The Northern Highlands came to his help, but without Montrose their actions were headstrong and premature like Pluscardine's raid.

In 1650 he landed and remained for some time in Orkney, surrounded by a few faithful cavaliers, and crossing to Caithness established himself in Thurso. After seizing the strong Castle of Dunbeath a heavy blow fell on him, for though he marched past Dunrobin, Skibo and Dornoch without requiring to fire a shot, and the Earl of Sutherland (Covenanter) retired rapidly before him, so did the people flee for the terror of fines
was upon them, and Montrose, failing to recruit his army, waited for those whom he supposed were marching to him, little dreaming that the raid of Pluscardine had either dispersed or sent them prisoners 200 miles away!

Pen fails to transcribe that last engagement of the hero of our race, it has been told over and over again ; how his little force, overwhelmed, was cut to pieces ; how his banners were held and lost ; how Montrose forced by his followers to flee, covered with blood from his many wounds, was placed fainting on a horse, his standards left on the field,
his cloak, his sword, his garter, thrown aside lest they discovered him to the foe ; his refuge with Assynt and that traitor's base betrayal, and the last sad march as captive to the scaffold.


No indignity was spared the hero on this journey, though kindly assistance here and there temPŠred the misery.


Clad as meanly as they could attire him, in marked contrast to the rich clothes he had always worn, tied fast by ropes to a country pony, he was forced at Keith (on the river Inlay) to wait and listen to a discourse of a Mr Kinnimonth, the minister. This Christian gentleman improved the occasion by choosing for his text 1 Samuel xv. 33. When Montrose realised that he was to be the object lesson for the Covenanter's discourse, he smiled sadly and said, "Rail on, sir, I am bound to listen to you."

On reaching Pitcaple, a property belonging to the Leslies, the wife of John Leslie, being a distant connection of Montrose, tried to rescue him while resting at their house, and showed him a small hole in the wall leading to a subterranean passage below; " Nay, dear madam, rather than descend to that dark hole and perhaps be smothered, I will take the
chance of what awaits me in Edinburgh!" Long and circuitous was the route they took him, and tortures must have been inflicted on him, for his many wounds of Invercarron were still open. But their desire was to expose him thus, half-clad and rudely bound, as an object of ridicule to those who had ever seen this gallant hero, richly dressed and
bonneted, on his charger, riding to victory.


Wishart tells us how the rough leader of his escort, Colonel Strachan, conducted him to Kinnaird, and how Montrose bid farewell without a break (so great was his control) to his two boys whom he never saw again.


In Forfar he was placed in the Castle of the Grange; James Durhame was the owner; probably the laird who, in early days had presented Montrose with a valuable hawk; but time had turned him into a zealous Covenanter.


James Durhame's wife was Margaret Scott, daughter of Hercules Scott of Brotherton, and the following anecdote must ever be a glory in the history of her descendants and family : when she saw the man she had heard of as " The Great Marquis," the leader of men and hero of victories, ride in, clad in a peasant's dress, bound hand and foot, unwashed, unshaven, pale with wounds, she determined to try and help him ; giving her
servant orders to let his guard, officers and men alike, " want for noe drink," she, without her husband's knowledge, arrayed the Marquis in her own attire and bade him slip past the men (for most part soldiers of the regiment of Campbell of Lawers), who were lying down, completely overcome by wine. But alas for the Marquis, her kind plan failed, for
meeting a soldier only partly tipsy who attempted to embrace him, the man at once discovered his mistake, gave the alarm, and James Durhame and his household were placed in durance till the morning, when the Lady of Grange completely proved her husband's innocence and added, " I am the sole contriver of Montrose's attempted escape, and I am only heartily sorry that it took not effect according to my desire."


As Colonel Strachan did not wish to be delayed longer, he passed over the matter after some rough language, and marched on to Dundee, where the citizens, to their honour, supplied Montrose with fresh raiment and had his wounds dressed, making him also a gift in money. Matters became worse as he neared Edinburgh, where the last indignities and the greatest were offered, and so with the little book published in Latin, describing all his military actions hung round his neck by a cord, they completed their vengeance on his body. 

Montrose bore all with unfailing and dignified calmness to the last moment, when his life-blood flooded the platform of his execution; not a less glorious field than his greatest victory of 1645.


Patrick's Royalist instincts must again have been on the alert, when in January 1651, Charles Second accepted the terms of the Scottish Commissioners and is crowned King at Scone on the Coronation Stone which Queen Victoria of blessed memory was crowned from, and which in the year of grace 1902, King Edward the Seventh of England and First of Scotland has passed from, as our crowned King.


What a gathering of royalty and of Scottish nobles were at that royal scene in 1651, in spite of the presence of the Covenanting lords and clergy with their stiff manner and lugubrious faces (intensely shocked at Charles' gay and debonair countenance, his pleasing manner and ready jest), Charles' cavaliers would gather round him and help to lighten the solemnity with which the Commissioners would check the natural revelry
of such a scene, and to some purpose were the cavaliers there ; for once again the fascination of the Stuarts is winning every Scottish heart ; once again the plumed bonnet is laid aside and the rapier and the sword unsheathed, and in the Sheriffdom of Perth, Black Pate takes the place of his chief Montrose (the second Marquis is still too young for office), and leads them all ; for three days after he is crowned, finding jealousies or mistrust attend the selection of a leader for the nobles, gentlemen, and heritors of the shire of Perth, Charles the Second with ready tact places the selection in their own hands by a letter written at Stirling and dated January 3rd, bidding them appoint without delay
some "known person of assistance to his Majesty" to the command.


Not a doubt apparently exists in the minds of these gentlemen, for the next day, January 4th, 1651, a Commission is drawn up, appointing Patrick Graeme younger of Inchbrakie to take command, and march the force to the rendezvous at Dunblane the 5th day of July next, "providit" with their best horses and forty days' provision.  To this commission to
command the forces of the King, thirty-three Great Barons and gentlemen sign their names. 

There is little doubt that amongst these signatures are many who hitherto held aloof from the King's service, though cavaliers of known tendency predominate; the Earl of Atholl, Viscount Newburgh, Lord Drummond and the Laird of Aldie are named as Colonels of the
force.


In the following August 1651 Charles had round him a glorious army of  10,000 men; all alas doomed to defeat and disaster at Worcester. Charles escapes to his foreign homes in France, at Cologne, and in the Low Countries, and his faithful Scots return, those who are left, to their homes only to find many quite uninhabitable. Amongst these is the Castle of Inchbrakie, which Cromwell's allies have besieged and fired, the inhabitants escaping only with their lives. And so Black Pate finding the King's cause at present is best assisted by submission, applies for and obtains from the Dictator's commander General Monck at Dundee the following:


"Safe conduct to Patrick Graeme.  These are to require all officers and souldrs under my command neither to offer or doo any violence or injury to the person of Patrick Graeme the younger of Inchbrakie, his wife children and gro nor to take away any of his houshold goods, horses, sheep or cattle but permit him to abyde and resyde in his habitation wrhout lett or projudiciall to sld Comon Wealth of England George Monck
dated at Dundee this 1st November 1651  To all officers and souldrs under my command."


Thus we know though Inchbrakie has been besieged and burnt the home of Tulliebelton will now be saved and can entertain the old Laird George.


The following year the confusion of constant change of affairs which caused men of known loyalty and character to fluctuate in their opinions, is forcibly shown by a letter from King Charles the Second to Black Pate, in which he tells him that he has been pleased to appoint General Middleton as his commander in Scotland!


"Charles II.'s letter to Black Pate, 1652.


For Inchbrakie.
Charles Rex.
Trusty and well beloved, we greete you well. We have received so good information of your affection and zeal to our service that we are most confident you will gladly embrace any opportunity to contribute your utmost endeavours to the advancement thereof, and to the recovery of your Countrey from the oppression, misery and dishonor it now groans under, by the insolence and tyranny of our English rebels, who propose to make to themselves the absolute change of the whole Government thereof, and the extirpation of the ancient nobility and gentry of that our Kingdome, and the entire subjecting it to their arbitrary-and lawlesse jurisdiction ; which every true Scotchman must from his heart abhorre. And therefore we have appointed Lieutenant-General Middleton (to who fidelity and conduct we have committed the managing of that great affaire) to communicate our purpose unto you, that we are resolved to leave no way unattempted on our part, whereby we may suppresse those wicked rebels, and relieve our good subjects of that Kingdome. For the better and more effectual) doing whereof we desire you to give him your best assistance, in such manner, as upon conference with him or with any person intrusted by him to you, we shall make appeare unto you to be most conducing thereunto; and whatsoever part you shall beare in this good worke, upon information given to us by our said Lieutenant-Generall, we shall for the present acknowledge; and gratify, and reward as soone as it shall be in our power. And so we bid you heartily farewell.  Given at the Louvre in Paris, the sixth of June 1652.  In the fourth yeare of our Reigne"


Therefore we find Graeme accepting the commander who, but four short years before has been the enemy of Montrose and himself.  Probably Middleton had become more Royalist than Covenanter.  As to the promise in the Royal letter, that never was fulfilled. In 1653 Black Pate was still suffering for his loyalty.  He is in prison, and efforts are being made by his friends to release him, which succeed.


"We, James Earle of Tullibardine and James Lord Drummond, sonne and heir apparent of John Earle of Perth, doe hereby ingage ourselves heirs, and executors and Administrates in ye small sume of twenty thousand pounds sterling with Colonel William Daniell, Governor of Perth, depending on conditions followinge : that is to say, in regard it hath pleased ye sayd Collonell Daniell to give liberty unto Patrick Graham, Laird of  Inchbraky younger in this county of Perth (his prisoner), to live at his owne house, and to follow his particular affayres, we do therefore ingage ourselves and executors as aforesayd that the sayd Patrick Graham, Laird of Inchbraky younger shall behave himself in a peaceable manner, and doe nothing directly or indirectly to ye prejudice of ye Comon-wealth of England or theire army in Scotlande. In testimony whereof are the partyies so doing have hereunto sett our hands and seales at Perth January 4th 1651. Sealed, signed and delivered to Colonell Daniell for ye ?? Tullibardine of the Comon-wealth in the presence of Drummond?..

 witness W. Brayne
witness P. Graeme of Inchbrakie

[Document torn off here.]

Time is running on apace, and children grow to men and women. Black Pate's daughter Annas was about to marry; dower and marriage contracts have to be drawn up and attested, and doubly glad must the Honble. Jean have been to welcome home her Black Pate at such a period. Annas is a great favourite of her grandfather, Lord Madertie. (See Sketch XII.) 

In 1854 George Graeme, fourth Baron of Inchbrakie dies, and Patrick his son succeeds to the property. Sorely raided it has been and the flourishing acres left by the third baron in 1635 must bear a sorry aspect now, while Black Pate succeeds to a debt of 2136 pounds.
In 1658 the service to all his father's lands is complete, and Black Pate, over five-and-forty years of age, enters on the kingdom of the barony.


Patrick's friendships were not bounded by Strathearn; he had many a friend in the west country and in Orkney, and the Graemes of Drynie in Ross-shire were close kinsmen. From Orkney comes a letter signed Michael Parrin, D.L., docketed:


These for the Right Honble
The Laird of Inchbrakie, present.
Stratherne.
Kirk wall, the 16th March 1659.


Dear Sir,


It is impossible to touch Stratherne with my pen and not kiss your honored hands with two lynes; nay, I should look upon it as a great piece of ingratitude to neglect so faire an opertunity and not present my most humble servis to you. A servant of the Earle Mortons being to pass through the towne of Perth gave this fitt opertunity and weare there any news heare that might fit the pore of your intellect certainly (torn) these had bin the reporter of it; all (torn) stands heare in the same posture they did when I wrot last. The Law and the Sword will never agree together in Orkney, there is like to be a hurle amongst our grandees, some will sink a degree lower than there enemys would wish them. Good southe if you weare heare I think you would rive like firr with meere
laughter to see with what keeness of sport they work out their point and when all is done it is scarce worth the owning. Always your interest heare leanes to misken them which indeed I am very glad of. They will be with you this spring ; if some unlooked for accident intervenes (torn) pray if you see my Lord Athole do me the favor to present my most obedient service to him and tell his Lordship if I had not thought it too great a presumption I would have kist his noble hands with my pen. 

My humble servis to all my friends with you in particular, to your sonne, and good sonne together with his lady. 

No more at present, but
that I am, dear
Sir your most affectiond
and faithfull serviture
Michael Parrin, D.L.

The composition, spelling and writing all show a specially cultured hand and mind, but none the less is the habit of the day shown by the writer, that of wrapping up every allusion to men or matters in a series of words which made it so involved that only those who knew the key could place their finger on the circumstance. Historians point out the reason as a safeguard in case a letter fell into inimical hands, a matter of daily occurrence in those days of turmoil. It is well to notice that this letter was written just before the Restoration, and several words are torn out.


In 1660 came the Restoration, and once more a cavalier Parliament reigned.  One of its first acts was to behead Argyll.


On the 7th of January Patrick Graeme is once more near the remains of his beloved friend and cousin bearing (at the magnificent obsequies accorded to them) Montrose's Order of the Garter.


The drums beat up, and trumpets call around the city of Edinburgh and a procession went to Burghmuir where the trunk of the body had been of the buried with common criminals, to raise it and that, of Sir William Hay of Dalgettie.


Montrose's body was easily recognised, for eleven years previously Lady Napier his sister had had his coffin (so soon as buried) visited and his heart removed and placed in a casket made from one of his swords, andsent to her in accordance with her beloved brother's bequest ; and there in 1661 was found the coffin cut open over the chest, the other limbs had been gathered by his kinsmen Graemes, and now all were brought to
the Tolbooth, then a building six storeys high, a scaffolding was placed on the top and Lord Napier, Inchbrakie, and Urchill, were given the honour to ascend and receive the remains of the noble head, while Graeme of  Gorthie had the honour to lift it from the spike.

Crash of drum and trumpet, volley of cannon and the people's joyful shouts showed all were united, and crowned with the crown of a marquis the remains lay in state in the
Palace of Holyrood, and then with a splendour surpassing any other funeral were borne in procession to St Giles' Cathedral amid reversed arms, muffled bell and the boom of minute guns from the Castle, and laid to rest in the Aisle of St Giles, since called Montrose's Aisle.


Though Black Pate retains his life and lands till 1687, the records of his stirring life become more scarce ; in March 1661 his duties as one of the Commissioners in company with many of his relations occupy him, "40,000 pounds sterling are granted to the King and must be raised by tales ; these are placed on tobaco and wines, on imported cloathes, serges, Castilian and all other woolen stuffs, on beaver and other imported
hats, on wosted stockings, on stag gloves and all other gloves, on truncks of large and midline size and leather meales."


James Graeme the second Marquis of Montrose, the son of the friend whose remains Black Pate the previous year had seen laid at last in an honoured grave comes to visit him, and recalls to the Laird of Inchbrakie his boyish days when thirty-two years ago, he and the " Great Marquis " had been close friends as lads, and lounged and shot together in Inchbrakie's woods while neighbours like Cultoquhey sent offerings of fruit, etc. to his Lordship.


Balgowan is asked to meet his young chief and David Graeme of Gorthie also, and there in the old castle, now made habitable, young Montrose gives his authority to his kinsmen as follows:


"In regard of the distance we live at from our affairs in Kincardine we do therefore for the better management theroff hereby nominat and appoint the Laird of Inchbrakie our bailie holding our courts during our will and pleasure and Gorthie and Balgowan to be assisting to, in what may relate to that or any other our affairs in these places during our absence in Testemonie whereof we have hereto put our hands at Inchbrakie the 21 off Novr 1661. Montrosse."


The writing and bold signature so like his father's, show that in spite of the turbulent scenes of his early boyhood and his imprisonment, the Lord Graham has benefited from Dr Wishart's careful tuition of him later on; he has made a scholar of the brave boy who would not lose his father " a better officer " by exchange of him as prison!


In I662 Balgowan dies (he is buried in Methven Kirk), and so the Marquis issues fresh orders, this time to Black Pate and his son George (sixth Baron).


"This is granting my full power to the Lairds of Inchbrakie older and younger to input and output rent in the Milne and Milnelands and other lands in my Baronie of Aberuthven as they shall think expedient, that during the time of their possession of the same, for release of their engagements for my behove.  Montrosse."


At this period the dress of the clergy was anything but uniform; they dressed as was convenient, some wearing a green cloak, some in blue with a broad sword by their sides, and some in grey; the bishops recommend to the Senate that arrangements be made that a uniform dress be worn by the clergy.


Amongst the family papers are several petitions drawn up to King Charles the Second; it will be remembered both Montrose in the King's name in 1646 and the King himself in an autograph letter had promised to reward Black Pate for his loyalty and service.


After King Charles' restoration, Patrick Graeme waited two years before he made any move to remind his Sovereign of these promises, foras the custom of his race was, readily to give and offer service, a peculiar reticence (caused probably by pride which is a dominating quality in the Graeme character,) prevented the least reminder, lest it might in any way be called " seeking reward for" the services rendered. For a couple of years Patrick saw friends and relations granted rewards, who had only joined the King when near his restoration, and at length, seeing he was forgotten owing probably to his silence, a petition is drawn up for recalling himself to his royal master's memory.

Space forbids it being given in full, but the preamble has quaint wording. After stating that it is to the King from Patrick Graeme of Inchbrakie, it continues

"that ever since the beginning of that unnatural warre against yor Royall father (of ever blessed memorie) and yor Royall Majest, the Petitioner hath been ever instrumentall under the commands of the late Marquis of Montrose for both your Royal interests, not only to the hazard of his life bot to the utter ruin of his fortune, which was as considerable as many of his qualities in Scotland, so that he with his poor familie is
utterly undone unless visited by some signe of the Royall favor : in expectation of which he has waited near these two yeares not being desirous to be troublesome untill some urgent affaires whairby his services & sufferings might be compensated without imbezling (sic) your Majy?s present revenue and now seeing your Majy's great counsell in Scotland hathe found a means whairby to sattisfie such sufferers, by the fines of such as have been constantly opposite to yor Majy's interests ; he is unwilling to press it any further than by laying himself and his interests at yor royall feet, humbly begging that he may not be forget in that day when your royall bountie is extended to others."


" May it therefore please your Royall Majestie of your accustomed bountie and clemency so to eye the ruinous and almost destroyed conditions of your poor Patrick and numerous familie that out of the first of those fines in Scotland he may receive such rewards as his necisitous condition pleads for at yor royall hands."


He writes also to His Grace the Lord Commissioner; that the services he rendered were instrumental in raising the first band of men that appeared in Scotland for the Royal service (the Atholl men) that they were entirely paid from his private fortunes by "great soumes," there being no public establishment for the payment of the troops; excommunication, forfeiture, sequestration and plundering was the result on himself, his
houses, his plantations and lands, his wife and children "casten on the charitie offriends" and often these friends dared not own them.'

He prays that the exhausted condition of his fortune for the standing of his family and
for his own future livelihood be considered, and places in the militia may be granted to such of his sons as are found capable; we can well believe the state to which the family was reduced, Patrick and his wife had five sons and two daughters; nearly all of whom were now grown up and the remnants of his estate were not equal to the demands which their position entailed.


In spite of his own troubles, Patrick would not press his claims without presenting those of his kinsmen and friends who, like himself, had been loyal to the King's cause and had as yet obtained no reward. Another document, presented later on in the year by the Earl of Bristol, who, in 1662, "gives into his Majestie for Inchbrakie" a petition which
states that his estates have become deeply involved by the maintenance of the royal interests, and he prays, firstly, that should there be no fines to adjudge to him, that "a soume " may be assigned to him out of the excise; secondly, that a remembrance of his faithful services to his Majesty be handed down to posterity by the granting of that " particular place in Scotland (whereof he has a promise alreadie in his person)
herediteralie to him and his posteritie with the constant sallarie settled thairupone"; thirdly, that his Majestie would look favourably on his faithful servants who adventured "their lives and all thair interests " in the royal cause according to a " roll of ther names and sufferings given under my hand."'Graeme of Gorthie forfalted, imprisoned, excommunicated, his family reduced to extremity.


Graeme of Monzie killed at Philliphaugh, his family put to great extremity while his house was garrisoned and spoiled.


The full petition is given at the end of the volume. It includes many Graemes, and almost all the clans of the Atholl districts adding much detail of all the suffering borne by those in the whole country of Atholl.


From the letters of Montrose and the King to Patrick, it is clearly seen a substantial reward was the intention of the writers, and the petition presented by the Earl of Bristol points strongly to what that promise had been. There is little question it was that of a peerage.

The claim on the royal bounty is further emphasised by the above roll, which he encloses, making apparent the position he held in Perthshire and his power as leader of those twenty-six barons and lairds named on it who could thus be counted as loyal to the Crown.


Well had the royal Charles gauged the valour and truth of Black Pate and his Highland associates.  While tendering to less loyal men the gifts and coronets which bound them to his cause, he passed his gallant Highland leaders over, knowing that in them he had faithful servants and true hearts, without fee or gift.


Black Pate was offered a baronetcy and a new Coat. With simple dignity he refused the former, knowing his descent proved him a greater man than any modern prefix which was not a peerage. The title "Sir" was too well used in other cases besides knighthood to convey anything beyond a simple honour, and the new baronetcy was not held in very great esteem.


Patrick Graeme took the coat commemorating by its broken wall his direct descent from the Graeme, who raised the Wall of Antoninus A.D. 405, and bore his disappointment as a proud man does, taking up the burden of poverty in his declining years.


It must be said for Charles that the petitions so far took effect that Black Pate was appointed to the office of Postmaster-General for Scotland, which salary was a welcome addition to his purse. The appointment was given him on the death of Sir William Seaton in 1662, and in 1694 Patrick's son John succeeded to it.


In 1663 he is Justice of the Peace,' and in 1665 he can no longer keep all his lands together, so Tulliebelton is sold to his old companion in arms, Robertson of Invar,
the keeper of the prisoners at Blair Castle and brother-in-law to Patrick's sister, Lady Lude.


In Nicholl's Diary we come across the mention of a great gala held in the western part of the county by the Duke of Rothes, who had been appointed High Commissioner for Scotland. Nicholl says: " Lord Rothes, accompanied with the Lyffee Guards, King's standard, kettledrums and  trumpeters, made a tour to the west countrie, and visitit among other places Mugdock, the Earl of Montro's Hous, this in November 1665." The
Duke (Lord Rothes) was father-in-law to the young Marquis. Black Pate was present at the festivities at the home of his young chief, so aptly described by Mr Guthrie Smith as the "Cradle of the Graemes," this was the Duke of Rothes to whom so magnificent a funeral was accorded that it is said it was only excelled by that of the Marquis of Montrose.

On the 19th of August 1668 we find the second Marquis of Montrose writing a quaint little order desiring that Inchbrakie be supplied with as many load of coals as he may desire, and with as many "hors  as he pleases in call, for this ye shall not fail so doe, which is all at present from yourLoving friend Montrose "For Inchbrakie his Collect
by my Lord Marq. of Mont Nairne."


The Marquis is visiting Black Pate's daughter Lady Nairne. Patrick's old opponent and cousin Lord Rollo dies in June 1669. Remembering his firm friendship with Sir Walter Rollock, Black Pate would attend what must have been a weird midnight scene, described by Mr J. Lamont: "1669 June. The Lord Rollock depairted out of this lyf att his dwelling house, and wes interred at Dinnen or thereby the 12 June att night." This hour
for interments was quite usual at that date.


Fewer and further apart grow the records of the last years of Black Pate's eventful life; only now and then do we find him mixed up with public events. His eldest son George went to Edinburgh. There he married the only daughter and heiress of a rich merchant, Mr Nichol of Royston and Granton.  Patrick, Inchbrakie's second son, was a man after
Black Pate's own heart and captain of the town-guard.

We shall see how he conducted the second Marquis of Argyll to his last imprisonment and was exiled in the service of King James the Second.


His three younger sons, James, afterwards Solicitor-General, and "of Newton "; John, Postmaster-General; and David, who died in the King's service, all followed their father in the Royal cause.


His two daughters, Anna, wife to Smythe of Rapness, cousin of Smythe of Braco (afterwards married to her second husband, Moray of Abercairny), and Margaret, who married the first Lord Nairne had both been dowered largely as became their position ; to all the difficulty of obtaining these dowers was added that of health broken and undermined by the life of exposure and hardships he had endured; and in 1679 we find David Graeme (tutor of his nephew the young Mungo Graeme of Gorthie) writing down
that "old Inchbrakie could not attend a meeting with the rest of the tutors on 24th March at Gorthie anent my pupill's affairs."

 "Answer received from Blair, that he wold keep the 24th day at Gorthie be seven o'clock in the morning; whereupon I sent letters to Ochtertyre Monzie and Balgowan and old Inchbrakie; Inchbrakie was unwell in the trembling fevers." Black Pate had become a subject for fever and ague, as his great-uncle George the Bishop had in the same century. His health permitted him only occasionally to act for a friend as executor or guardian, and in the former respect we find him in August 1678 to his kinsman, Sir
William Graeme of Braco. The will is given up by Dame Mary Cowane his widow,
and their eldest son James ; it states he dies in the Protestant faith now established in the Church of England ; he mentions Patrick his third son and appoints his body to be buried at his burial-place of Aberuthven " among my ancestors." His executors are the Marquis of Montrose, Dame Margaret Campbell his mother, Dame Mary Cowane "my well beloved spouse," the Lairds of Inchbrakie elder, and younger, James Graeme of
Urchill, Pat. Smythe of Methven, James and Robert Graeme, his brothers german, and the Laird of Balgowan. The tutors are Mr David Drummond, his brother-in-law, Mr David Graeme, tutor of Gorthie, John Graham of Dougallstoune, John Graham, Commissary
Clerk of Dunblane, for my son and his brethren.


On June 16th, 1684, Black Pate leaves the "Judging of the townes house" which he occupied when engaged in his official duties; Haldane of Gleneagles had occupied it in the early eighties."

The second Marquis is walking in the footsteps of his father and is close friends with James II.; the anti-royalist section tie his hands as the following letter shows.


Docketted
For the Maister of Rollo
and the Lairds of
Balgowan, Inchbrakie, Gorthie and Orchill.
at Barnaboth (?)
3rd of October 1684.


Much honored and loving cousins,


Having capitulate and being to give seurtie for my pessible deminour for thrie thouson pound stirling as you will perceave be this enclosed I have sent you. I have wreet this to let you know that I intend (which is also the oppinion of thoes of my friends I have had the occatione to meet with) to have all thoes of my friends who have been formerlie
interessed in my affairs to ingage for me at this tyme and for what may concerne themselves. I have to name praise of your affectione to me the wayes (?) in questione your willingness to doe for me now. The engagement is to be drawn up be Col. Cobbet, and it wall doutless be of the same natur as with my lord of Athole, so upon your return, to this I will caus insert your names together with those of my friends in Angus who are all most willing to goe assuritie in the business. I shall pres this upon you by no other argument than that the speedie performance of it does much increase the reputation, and good of him who is constantlie your most affectioned cousin Montrosse.  I entreat you to have a care of thes tuo inclosed and that which goes for the West send it with a sure and spedie occasione.


Another letter from the second Marquis written a few days later on the
same subject reaches "his loving Cousins," this time the address is


"For the Right Honble and my loving cousins
My Lord Methertie
The Maister of Rollo and
The Lairds of
Balgowen, Inchbrakie
Fintree younger
Gorthie and Orchill,"


and the letter runs as follows :


Right Honble and Loving Coussins
I have to send ane excuse for not keeping the appointment I maid with you at St Johnstoun the mornen be ten o'clock.  My Grandfather, my L Suethessk being evrie moment lik to expyre.  Wherefor I have wreet this to desire you earnestlie not to delay the subscriving of my band to the English (which I have sent here along for ye know whow much it doeth concerne me and my tym is almost expyred, nether could I be anie means obtain a longer day from Coll Cobbet, nor is it to be expected I shall have
it . . . ; wherefor as you tender my welfair let me receive this courtesie from you and you shall verie much oblige your faithful servant and affectioned cousin


Montrosse.
at Lierd (?)
the 6 of Ober
1684.
Thoe the Laird of Lus whoes neame is contained in the band be not at this meetting I not having wreeten for him it will not matter if my friends finding me my suretie will give me a longer tym for the next to subscribe.


In 1685 Black Pate is still acting for Montrose in his Auchterarder and Aberuthven properties; the Marquis writes:


"For the Laird of Inchbrakie this 31st March 1685 loving Cousin this is to desyre you will take up that Tacke of Achterarder and give the tenants dischargis which I shall be obliged to aske as also you shall sell the victuall of Duchalie at the best satisfaction and likewise give a warning to William Graeme and these others in the fordie and this
shall be your warrant

Your loving cousin and Chieff


Montrose.


Three years longer Black Pate lives ; and just as Scotland is entering once more upon a civil war he dies in 1687, after a life of nearly four score years in which he has seen many vicissitudes, but as long as history lasts, his name will be found gleaming in its pages.


A RELATION OF THE TRUE FUNERALS OF THE GREAT LORD MARQUESSE OF
MONTROSE, HIS MAJESTIE'S LORD HIGH COMMISSIONER AND CAPTAIN GENERAL OF HIS FORCES IN SCOTLAND.


From the abbey church of Holyroodhouse to that of St Giles in the high town, the funeral pomp was as followeth :


Two conductors in mourning, with black staves.  Twenty-five poor in gowns, hoods, the first of which went alone next to the conductors carrying a gumpheon, the other twenty-four following two and two, carrying the arms of the house on long staves.  An open trumpet, clothed in rich livery of the marquis colours, carrying his arms on his banner.
Sir Harie Graham in complete armour, on horseback, carrying on the point of a lance the colours of the house: this noble gentleman accompanied his excellence in all his good and bad fortunes, both at home and abroad.


Servants of friends in mourning, two and two. The great pincel, with his arms carried by John Graham of Douchrie, a renowned Highland Hector, and one who stuck PŠremptorily to the present Marquis of Montrose in the last expedition under his Grace the Lord
Commissioner; he is best known by the title of Tetrach of Aberfoil.  The great standard in colours, with his arms, carried by Thomas Graham of Pontento, a hopeful cadet of the ancient family of Clarisse. An horse of war, with great saddle and pistols, led by two lacqueys in livery.


The defunct's servants, two and two in mourning.  An horse in state, with a rich footmantle, two lacqueys in rich livery, and his parliament badges.  Four close trumpets in mourning, carrying the defunct's arms on their banners.  The great gumpheon of black taffety, carried on the point of a lance by William Graham, younger of Duntrun, another sprightful cadet of the house of Clarisse.


The great pincel of mourning, carried by George Grahame, younger of Cairnie, who from his first entry to manhood accompanied his chief in the wars.  The defunct's friends, two and two, in mourning.  The great mourning banner, carried by George Graham of Inchbrakie, younger, whose youthhead only excused him from running the risks of his
father.


The spurs, carried on the point of a lance by Walter Graham, elder of Duntrum, a most honest royalist, and highly commended for his hospitality.


The gauntlets, carried by George Graham of Drums on the point of a lance, a worthy person well becoming his name.


The head-piece, by Mungo Graham of Gorthie on the point of a lance, whose father had sometimes the honour to carry his majesty's standard under his excellency. His great sufferings and forfeiture is enough to speak his action and honesty.


The corslet, by George Graham of Monzie on the point of a lance, a brave young gentleman, whose father fell in his majesty's service under the defunct.


A banner all in mourning, by John Grahame of Balgowne, who likewise hazarded both life and fortune with his chief.  The lord provost, bailies and burgesses of Edinburgh, two and two, all in deep mourning.


The burgesses, members of parliament, in mourning, two and two.  The barons, members of parliament, two and two, in mourning. The nobles, in mourning, two and two.


Next followed the eight branches, first of the mother's side.  Halyburton, Lord Dirleton, carried by William Halyburton of Buttergask. Douglass, Earl of Angus, by Sir Robert Douglass of Blackerstoun, a most worthy person, and great sufferer for his constant adherence to his majesty's interest.


Stuart Lord Methven, by Stuart Sheriff of Bute; it is to no purpose to commend their loyalty, or to doubt of it, when the relations of their predecessors to his majesty's progenitors is considered.  Ruthven of Gowrie by William Ruthven, Baron of Gairnes, a gentleman of clear repute and honesty, suitable to his noble and valiant cousin the
Earl of Forth and Brandford.


Next on the father's side.


Keith Earl of Marshal, by Colonel George Keith, brother to the said earl, a noble gentleman, whose behaviour in his majesty's service discovered him a worthy inheritor of his illustrious progenitors.


Fleming Earl of Wigtoun, by Sir Robert Fleming, son to the said earl, a gallant soul, carved out for his king and country's service, as are all his family, witness his noble uncle Sir William Fleming.


Drummond Earl of Perth, by Sir James Drummond of Machiny, one whose fidelity to king and country was never brought in question.  Grahame Marquis of Montrose, by James Grahame, Baron of Orchell, whose life and fortune never caused him scruple to advance the royal interest.


The arms of the defunct in mourning, by James Graham of Bucklevy, son to the Baron of Fentry, a gentleman which nothing could ever startle from his majesty's service, and that he was a favourite of the deceased, and accompanied his son in the late Highland war, is sufficient to speak his praises.


An horse in close mourning, led by two lacqueys in mourning.  Four close trumpeters in mourning, with the defunct's arms on their banners.  Six pursuivants in mourning, with their coats displayed, two and two.  

Six heralds with their coats as followeth :


The first carrying an antique shield, with the defunct's arms on it.
The second carrying his crest.
The third his sword.
The fourth his targe.
The fifth the scroll and motto.
The sixth his helmet.
Two secretaries, Master William Ord and Master Thomas Seintserf.
Then Dr Middleton and his chaplain.
His parliament robes carried by James Graham of Killern, a gentleman whose merit, besides his birth, procured this noble employment.
The general's baton, by Robert Grahame, elder of Cairnie, a brave and bold gentleman, who, from the beginning of his chief's enterprises, never abandoned him, and one whose fortune endured all the mischiefs of fire and devastation.
The Order of the Garter by Patrick Graham, Baron of Inchbrakie, elder, a person most eminent for his services upon all occasions, and the only companion of the defunct when he went first to Atholl, and published his majesty's commission.
The marquis' crown carried by Sir Robert Graham of Morphie, younger, a noble person, no less renowned for his affection to royalty than for his kindness and hospitality amongst his neighbour gentry.
The purse carried by David Graham of Fentrie; this noble gentleman's predecessor was the son of the Lord Graham, then head of the house of Montrose, who, upon a second marriage on King James the First's sister, begot the first Baron of Fentry, which, in a male line, hath continued to this baron; and, as their births was high, so their qualifications hath in every respect been great, for in all ages since their rise, nothing unbecoming loyal subjects, or persons of honour, could be laid to their charge, and he who possesseth it now can claim as large a share as any of his ancestors.
Next before the corps went Sir Alexander Durham, Lion King of Arms, with his majesty's coat displayed, carrying in his hand the defunct's coat of honour.
The corps was carried by fourteen earls, viz.:
The Earls of Mar, Morton, Eglington, Caithness, Winton, Linlithgow, Home, Tillibardin, Roxburgh, Seaforth, Kallender, Annindale, Dundie, Aboyn.
The pale above the corps was likewise sustained by twelve noblemen, viz.: the Viscounts of Stormont, Arbuthnot, Kingstone, the Lords Stranaver, Kilmaurs, Montgomery, Coldinghame, Fleming, Gask, Drumlanerick, Sinclair, Mackdonald.
Gentlemen appointed for relieving of those who carried the coffin under the pale:
Earls' sons, Sir John Keith, Knight Marshal, Robert Gordon, Alexander
Livingstoun, Sir David Ogilvie, the Barons of Pitcurr, Powrie, Fotheringhame, Cromlis, Abercairny, Ludwharne, Denholm, Mackintosh, Balmedie, Glorat, Cahoun, Braco, Craigie, Morphie, Bandoch (elder and younger), and the ingenious Baron of Minorgan and John Graham of Creekie, who likewise accompanied the Lord Marquis in his travels in France and Italy.
Next to the corps went the Marquis of Montrose and his brother as chief mourners, in hoods and long robes carried up by two pages, with a gentleman bareheaded on every side.
Next to him followed nine of the nearest in blood, three and three, in hoods and long robes, carried up by pages, viz.:
The Marquis of Douglass, the Earls of Marshall, Wigtoun, Southesk, Lords of Drummond, Matherti, Napier, Rollo, and Baron of Lux, nephew to the defunct.
Next to the deep mourners went my Lord Commissioner, his Grace in an
open coach and six horses, all in deep mourning, six gentlemen of quality going on every side of the coach in deep mourning, bareheaded.


The following account of the Marquis' funeral is printed from an original MS.


The Order of Montroises Funerallis, whois corpes was carried from the Abbay Church of Holieroodhous, to the Great Church of Edin.on Saturday the 11th of Maij 1661.


In first, ther was out of Edin., Wast Port, Potera, out of Leith, Leith Wynd, and Cannogait, 26 companies of foot, all in good kippage, and weal armed, drawn up in the Abbay clos ; the whole streettis from the Abbay gait, set in both sydes with some of the said companies, to the Mercat Cros of Edin. The rest of the said companies marched thro' the middle of the streit, till they cam to the Mercat Cros, and their drew up in bodies upon both sydis of the streettis, and thereafter the king's loveguard being likewayis drawn up in the Abbay clos, marched up the streettis nist the foot companies in good order with trumpettis and drawin swordis, and marched the length of the Lane Mercat, where the drawin up and stood in order.  All the bellis of Edin. and Cannogait ringing all the whyle, with the great common bell jowing and tolling.  The two conducteris in mourning, with ane grumpheon and 24 salia in long gounis and blak coattis.
Ane open trumpet cloathed in liveray, with the culleris of the defunct at his baner.
Ane gentleman in compleat armor, with ane plum of featheris in his helmet of the culloris of the defunctis paternall culloris.


Servantis of friendis, 2 and 2 in murning.  Johne Grahame of Deucharie caried the great pinsell of honor with ittis full atchievement.


Ane horse mounted with ane great sadle, pistollis, and other things fit for service, led by a lekay in livery.  His particular servantis 2 and 2 in mourning.  His parliament horse, with rich foot mantle, led by two lekay is in livery, and badges on bak and breast.  The four trumpets in mourning, carying the arms of the defunct on both sydis.


William Grahame of Duntroone younger, caried the great grumpheon on the point of ane lance.  George Grahame, younger of Cairnie, caried the mourning pinsell.  His friends 2 and 2 in mourning.
Walter Grahame of Duntroone caried the spurris.
Alexander Grahame of Dreanie caried the gantlettis.
George Grahame of Monzie caried the corslait bak and breast.
Mungo Grahame of Gorthie  caried the head piece.
Johne Grahame of Balgowne caried the great mourning banner, with ittis whole atchivement.
Eight gentilmen caried the eight branches, viz. William Halyburton of Buttergask for Dirletoun Sir Robert Douglas of Blakerstoun for Douglas and Angus, Stewart of Boot for Stewart, Lord?.. William Ruthven of Gairnie, Colonel George Keith for the hous of Marschall, Sir Robert Flemyng for the hous of Wigton, Sir James Drummond of Machany for the hous of Pearth, James Grahame of Urchile for the hous of Montrose.  Capt. James
Grahame of Bucklyvie caried the defunctis armis in blak taffatie, which was the murning baner.   Ane horse in mourning led by two lekayis in murning. Nist four trumpettis in murning, having the defunctis armis at their baneris.
Nist them six pursuivants in order two and two.
Nist them six heraldis, the first carying an antique schield with the defunctis armis theiron, another carying his creist, another his sword, another his targe, another his scroll and diton, and ane other careing his helmet.
Mr William Ord and Thomas Sydeserff secretaries. 
Mr John Laine cheaplaine, Doctor George Midletoun, phisitian. 
James Grahame of Killearnie caried the Parliament robes. 
Robert Grahame of Cairnie, elder, caried the order of the garter. 
Grahame of Morphie caried the crown. 
Grahame of Fintrie caried the purse with the commission.
The defunctis coat of armes, caried by the Lyon King at Arms in murning.
Twell noblemen caried the pall, viz. Viscounts Stormont, Arbuthnot, and Kingstoun. Lordis Stranaver, Kilmauris, Montgomerie, Coldinghame, and Fleming, Gask, Drumlanerick, Sinclair, Macdonald.
For careing the corpis under the pale, the Earles of Mar, Mortone, Atholl, Eglintoune, Caithnes, Linlithgow, Home, Roxborough, Tullibardine, Seaforth, Callender, Annadaill, Dundie and Aboyine.
Barronis of qualitie to waitt on both sydis of the pale, for relieving the noblemen, viz. Sir John Keith, knight marschall, Robert Gordon, sone to the Earle of Sutherland, Mr Livingstoune, brother to the Earle of Linlithgow, Sir David Ogilvie, sone to the Earle of Airlie, the Lairds of Pitcur, Purie, Cromlis, Abercairnie, Ludwhairne, Macintosh, Gloret,
Allexander, Colhoun, Balmedie, Strowane.
The chieff murneris with hoods and long robes caried by pages, with ane gentilman bairheidat on everie syd, and nyn of the nearest noblemen in the samyn habits, marched thrie and thrie, viz. Marquis of Douglas, Earles of Marshall, Wigtoun, Southesk, the Lordis Drummond, Madertie, Naper, Rollo, and the Laird of Lus.
It was forgot that just after the king's loveguard was the whole magistrates and town councell of Edin. all in murning, marchelled in comlie order.
At the lifting of the corpis out of the Abbay Kirk, the haill cannon of the castill, the haill foot companies of Edin., Leith and Cannogait, with the king's loveguard, gave all fyr at ane with taking of drumis, sound of trumpettis and ringing of bellis, and at the ingoing of the church, the second voley, and the third at his interring.
Just after the pale was the Commissioner, his Grace in his coatch, and horses, coatch and all in murning, the coatch being all open, but four stoupis that caried on the cover of it.
And after the Commissioner's coatch was the corpis of Dagitee, with all his honors caried before him, and many noblemen and gentlemen about the corpis.

It was a gallant fair, sooneshine day, ay quile the corpis was interred and long after.
Thair was twa great thingis remarkit at this heroickis funerall. The first is, that it was never hard tell of since the world began, bot at the burial of any defunct, the friendis murned, and the enemies rejoiced, but heir the just contrair, at this heroick's funerall the friendis rejoiced and the enemies murned, ane paradox indeed.
The second it was marked, that from the Abbay gait to the Luckinboothis, thair was neither stair, balconie, window, nor schot, bot thair was faces looking out at them to see this heroick sight, but onlie on, quhich was the balconie and window of the Ladie Hoomis house, quhair all the world sayis that . . . was contryved, for ther was no creater on that balconie, nor looking out of theas windows."


Over two hundred years later Her Majesty Queen Victoria, when visiting St Giles Cathedral, expressed surprise that the Montrose Aisle bore no suitable memorial to so noble a man ; Her Majesty's wish was the spark that set the fire alight ; the principal burden of the work fell on the shoulders of the late Mr Thomas Graham Murray father to the present Lord Advocate ; how successfully he performed the task can now be seen in
the Montrose Aisle, where the handsome effigy and window are erected ; the latter is represented here giving the arms of those families who subscribed.

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